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This could be one of the reasons why GFSI Corruption has a pernicious effect on food security [ 19 ]. Good governance, the antithesis of corruption, must be embraced and adopted wholeheartedly because it holds the key to food security on a sustained basis [ 8 ]. Developing countries must put in place stringent laws which must be implemented and executed without fear or favour to fight corruption.

They should endeavour to have planned economy, quality and up-to-date data on their countries key indicators and continuous policies even when there is a change in government.

Hunger: A global shame

The responsibility to deal with corruption is not just something for African governments and African people. They have a responsibility, I think, to help the poor countries in Africa recover some of their assets that were taken from them and deposited in banks in developed countries [ 21 ].

Corruption must be brought under control all over the world, as the poorer countries of the Third World especially cannot co-exist with it without being further dragged into the depths of untold human misery, starvation, disease, and degradation [ 8 ]. Despite strong economic growth, food security remains an issue of primary importance for Africa. Poor food security in households could lead to malnutrition and low live expectancy in the populace especially among the poor.

This might be as a result of low corrupt practices in these countries resulting in good economy and provision of basic amenities to the populace. This result agrees with the findings of [ 16 ] and the opinions of [ 17 ]. Provision of basic amenities-adequate food, shelter, clothing and health care facilities-as a result of good governance and low corrupt practices positively influenced the GFSI and LE in LCC.

As level of corrupt practices decreases in LCC, provision of subsidized adequate basic amenities is made possible and then life expectancy of the populace increases. Life expectancy was significant with food security in MCC indicating that poor food security definitely has a negative impact on life expectancy. Many of the developing countries are over-populated even though there was no significant difference between the population in LCC Corruption also was not influenced by population.

However, over population could lead to poor household food security, hunger and starvation, and malnutrition. To achieve high GFSI and LE in the presence of high corruption in a country is a serious challenge in developing countries. This is evident from data in most corrupt countries MCC in this study. A multi-sectorial approach is crucial in tackling this problem. Improvement in government policies to discourage corrupt practices, promote good governance, primary health care, mechanized agriculture, household food security, availability of portable water, and nutrition education at community level should be embraced to eradicate malnutrition in developing countries.

Florence Ngozi Uchendu did the literature search and data collection and prepared the initial manuscript. Thaddeus Olatunbosun Abolarin analyzed the data. The two authors participated in interpretation of data. All authors have read and approved the final version of the manuscript. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Pan Afr Med J. Published online Feb 6. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Aug 28; Accepted Oct This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract Malnutrition is a global public health problem more prevalent in developing countries than in developed countries.

(PDF) The Failure of Foreign Aid in Africa: The Case of Zambia | Courtney Meyer - gogudaposy.tk

Keywords: malnutrition, corruption, food security, live expectancy, population, developed and developing countries. Data analysis Data were collected and arranged in a personal laptop in excel sheet. Ethics statement The datasets used in this study were obtained from [ 18 — 20 ]. Open in a separate window. Discussion Corruption The CPI index measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption in countries worldwide, scoring them from 0 highly corrupt to very clean.

Introduction

Over Population Many of the developing countries are over-populated even though there was no significant difference between the population in LCC Competing interests The authors declare no competing interests. References 1. Prevalence and determinants of micronutrient deficiencies among rural children of eight states in India. Ann Nutr Metab. Tulchinsky TH. Micronutrient deficiency conditions: global health issues.


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Public Health Reviews. Rabiu MM, Kyari F. Vitamin A deficiency in Nigeria. Niger J Med. Aziz TA. September World Bank. Malnutrition in Sub-Saharan Africa: burden, causes and prospects: Review.

Food Aid and the Developing World: Four African Case Studies

The Pan African Medical Journal. Shkolnikov A. The Asian Legal Resource Centre. Dzinesa G, Sangqu S. Food insecurity: southern Africa's silent crisis; Institute for Food Studies; Maplecroft News. Ice V. Makinde F.

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Transparency International. Corruption Perceptions Index; The Economic Intelligent Unit. Population Reference Bureau. World Population Data Sheet; International food aid is largely driven by donors and international institutions typically influenced by the interests of the donors. In effect, the CSSD ensures that food aid does not displace trade.

And so it is criticized for serving the interests of donors, because when accepting food aid, recipients commit to pay for imports of commercial food along with food aid as Frederic Mousseau notes in a report titled Food Aid or Food Sovereignty? Its location, its name and its focus on surplus disposal clearly reflect the concerns of competing food exporting countries around the use of food aid in an open economy rather than on hunger in recipient countries. Its main function is to avoid the displacement of commercial imports by food aid and it does not constitute an instrument favoring an adequate use of food aid to fight hunger.

In addition, only the 22 food exporting donor countries are represented in the convention. Mousseau summarizes that,. Like the CCSD, the FAC lacks enforcement mechanisms, transparency in its functioning as well as monitoring and evaluation mechanisms no comprehensive evaluation of the FAC has been conducted to date. As a result, best practice procedures as well as the functions of poverty and hunger alleviation remain largely rhetorical. The WFP is the largest humanitarian organization in the world and the most powerful UN organization active in most crises, Mousseau notes.

This increasing focus on emergencies and short-term aid, and its implications are discussed further below. Mousseau summarizes that the WFP is currently the largest humanitarian organization in the world. It handles 99 percent of multilateral food aid, generally in partnership with NGOs and government institutions, which are in charge of food distributions in recipient countries. In , WFP food aid reached 89 million people worldwide. Relief aid used to be a minor form of aid until the s when it shifted to being the dominant factor, signifying both the increase in emergencies, and the end of the Cold War where food aid as a political tool to aid the donor seemed to be less important.

Some core problems that Mousseau identifies drawing heavily from Barrett and Maxwell, too with international food aid is that. International food aid was initiated at a time when a policy of price support for agricultural commodities generated large surpluses of cereals. The disposal of surpluses through food aid made it a crucial instrument to support North American farmers because it reduced storage costs and opened access to new overseas markets. Food aid also rapidly became an instrument of foreign policy in the Cold War era, with food being used to support friendly or strategic countries.

The European Common Agricultural Policy CAP , created in , is geared towards increasing agricultural productivity and food self-sufficiency. Through a combination of farm price supports and barriers to food imports, the CAP generated massive surpluses, especially wheat and animal products, which made the European Union EU and its member states major actors in international food trade and food aid. EU food aid now accounts for more than half of all European food aid contributions.

In the s, the US was open about the fact that food aid was a good way to fight communism and for decades food aid has mostly gone to countries with strategic interests in mind. The domestic interests have somewhat shifted in recent decades from supporting the whole American agriculture sector to the interests of primarily the following groups. The shipping companies, for example, benefit from the US Farm Bill which requires that at least 75 percent of US food aid be shipped by US vessels.

In addition, just four freight forwarders handle 84 percent of the shipments of food aid from the US and that a few shippers rely extensively on US food aid for their existence. Preference given to in-kind food produced in the US and to the US shipping industry makes US food aid the most expensive in the world. The premiums paid to suppliers and shippers combined with the increased cost of food aid due to lengthy international transport raise the cost of food aid by over percent compared to local purchases.

Mousseau is also critical of some relief organizations, As a result of their heavy dependence on food aid as a resource, they are poorly inclined to question the current food aid system. The concept of food aid for development is therefore quite questionable. As early as the s, FAO [The Food and Agriculture Organization] had warned of the potentially harmful effects of [PL, the US in-kind food exports that is used as aid] food aid on local agriculture. This, in turn, adversely affects the livelihoods of rural populations and drives the non-competitive local farmers out of agriculture.

Unfortunately, [Marshall Plans are] not always successful, and for many countries, food aid is integrated into policies leading to structural food deficits and increased dependency on food imports. For the poorest countries, such dependency combined with scarce resources to finance imports has resulted in increased poverty and hunger. Mousseau adds that the negative correlation between food aid flows and international cereal prices shows that the main driver of food aid remains the domestic support to farmers and agribusiness interests rather than needs of the developing countries.

Typically, food aid flow increases in periods of low prices and high level of food stocks in developed countries. In-kind food aid has been criticized in particular for being expensive. In addition, while it appears to release resources for the recipient government, those resources may not necessarily be used for development; they can be used for military purchases, for example and countries like those in the US, EU, etc are often the major arms sellers.

In addition, such aid can also be tied to harmful conditions, such as Structural Adjustment Policies. One of the ideas behind policies such as Structural Adjustment for poor countries is to turn their agriculture sector into cash crops for export to earn foreign exchange to import food and help pay off debts. Program Food Aid has helped with this although phrases such as development and helping the hungry are what makes media headlines.

While these could have been objectives, such policies had another effect: creating new markets for rich countries to export their own products. One of the examples was South Korea from one of the largest recipients of US food aid in the s and s to one of the largest buyers of agricultural products today. Another is the Philippines:. US food aid may help to expand US exports in the short term and can build the foundation for future US sales.

For example, the Philippines received soy meal under the PL program in the early s when its economy was in poor condition and it was difficult to finance the purchase of needed commodities. For most LDCs, food aid was never part of any development policy, other than the one in support of export growth for developed countries. As early as the s, FAO had warned of the potentially harmful effects of food aid on local agriculture. The organization was apprehensive that desirable, and in the long run, necessary agriculture development in the receiving countries will not take place if PL exports are continued and expanded.

Throughout history, powerful countries do what they can to maintain or extend their power, and to compete with other centers of power. This may mean political power play, influencing economic policies to their favor, and, ultimately, war. Accompanying those tactics were messages and propaganda back to the home populations that they were civilizing the others, bring them modernization, development and various other benefits. As noted earlier, in recent years, food aid has seen some shifts. Europe, for example, has generally shifted away from in-kind food aid, preferring to purchase locally or help facilitate local purchases instead.

There has also been a shift away from long term development to short term humanitarian relief. This has increased the role of NGOs and relief organizations and led to a prioritization on nations that actually need assistance whereas in the past food aid was often targeted towards countries that provided a strategic interest for the donor, i. One of the fundamental problems remains with food aid in that it is still donor driven, and as such seen as compensation for economic reforms as Mousseau notes.

In other words, food aid is tied aid, conditional upon economic reforms, such as structural adjustments. The fluctuations in the share of food aid received by priority countries [between and ] reflect the fact that in periods of low international cereal prices, such as and , additional food aid deliveries are oriented to other countries, and are more likely to be tied to commercial transactions in periods of depressed markets. Therefore the recent increase in the share of food aid to priority groups does not reflect a stronger focus on these countries but instead results from the overall decrease of food deliveries due to high cereal prices.

Further, it is remarkable that during periods of [need due to increased cost of food imports] food deliveries to priority countries dropped. While some can benefit from increases costs, the poor are the ones that can least afford more expensive food. The higher food prices have not only reduced the amount of American food aid for the hungry, but are also making it harder for the poorest people to buy food for themselves, economists and advocates for the hungry say. Foreign Policy Fellow at the Roosevelt Institution at Stanford, Sarah Johnson notes in an op-ed piece that the delivery of food aid is also being affected.

As Mousseau, Barrett and Maxwell have all noted, she describes the winners in American food aid as the American Government, farms, aid organizations and shippers. Yes, they are. In , it was 4 million. With food and fuel prices steadily rising, the costs of buying food and getting it overseas have crippled the food aid program.


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In , we provided food for million people. By last year, that number had decreased to 70 million. According to the United Nations, there are still over million starving people in the world today. In another article for the New York Times , Celia Dugger notes that the rising costs and falling dollar value has led to relief organizations debating the best way to address food aid and adds:. New data from the Department of Agriculture show that the prices paid for food for the main United States food aid program have risen 35 percent in and These sales are known as the monetization of food aid.

This monetization of food aid has also fallen under much criticism from experts such as Mousseau, Barrett, Maxwell and others. Largely dependent on US funding and food in-kind for their resources, the main food agencies usually follow the priorities of US foreign policy with regards to areas of intervention, volume of food aid and modalities of assistance. This increasingly prominent role of relief organizations, especially food relief agencies, in humanitarian crises is sadly not the consequence of increased awareness or compassion in western countries but rather the result of policy choices made by key donor countries.

However, while their actions help save lives through immediate assistance, longer term strategies are unwittingly undermined:. NGO requests for more aid overlook the political role they play as an alternative to government involvement in the poorest countries. NGOs also ignore that the fight against hunger cannot be won by their actions alone. Success will also require fundamental policy shifts.

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Food Aid and the Developing World : Four African Case Studies

Unfortunately, Congress kept killing the proposal and the final amount was a lot smaller due to entrenched interest of agribusiness and the shipping industry:. The farm bill, which is up for Congressional reauthorization every five years, was passed by the House in late July []. But even this policy, which would have affected less than 2 percent of the food aid budget, was immediately and forcefully denigrated by agribusiness and shipping interests.

In recent years, the European Union has shifted towards local and triangular purchases food aid purchases or exchanges in one developing country for use as food aid in another country of food aid, which many argue will lead to more efficient distribution of food and better support for agriculture, trade and development in the developing nations.

The shift from the export of surpluses to more purchases from within southern countries has been strongly promoted by a number of NGOs and researchers over the last twenty years. The EU officially adopted this policy standpoint in and adapted its food aid programs accordingly through a progressive increase in the share of cash assistance for triangular and local purchases and more attention for non-food interventions.

As a result, a major share of EU food aid—90 percent in —is now procured in developing countries this figure is only approximately 1 percent for the US. However, all is not rosy on the European front, either. Mousseau notes that while the EU itself has made this shift, nations such as France and Italy have maintained a parallel flow of in-kind food aid representing nearly 70 percent of their food aid. Furthermore, Ten years after the official dissociation between food aid and surpluses, the EU food aid remains under the influence of trade interests.

Given such constraints, Mousseau concludes, developing countries currently do not have equal access to trade opportunities and this limits their ability to benefit from food aid purchases. The promotion of local and triangular purchases is certainly desirable and must be encouraged. However, it is unlikely to benefit the poorest countries and their small-scale farmers if it is not part of a broader policy aimed at supporting small-scale agriculture in these countries. The other major reason Mousseau is cautious about the benefits of local purchases is the dominance of large multinational agribusinesses:.

Such large companies often go directly to farmers, so those with sufficient capabilities and resources win out. Larger enterprises benefit in both respects , Mousseau quotes the FAO as saying. Structural adjustments have been implemented in most developing countries over the past two decades. They have generally led to the elimination of public intervention in the agricultural sector, including state-led institutions such as marketing boards, which in the past supported small-scale farmers through credit, inputs and facilitation of market access.

Structural adjustments have also encouraged the concentration of agricultural trade and production, which excludes small-scale farmers from business and growth. Mousseau makes an interesting observation about US food aid policies still being used as a political tool, but unlike during the Cold War when it was used to support friendly regimes, it is now used against rogue states in the War on Terror.

For example, shipments of food aid to Afghanistan and Iraq before the invasions skyrocketed and was part of a media propaganda effort both domestically to US audiences as well as to foster support within those countries. Shortly after the invasions were over and such media attention diverted, such aid fell again:. In both Afghanistan and Iraq, the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and primarily food aid, has been used by the invasion forces as a public relations measure to win domestic and international public opinion and the hearts of the people living in the war zones. A few tons of food were dropped, which was insignificant compared to the monthly national requirement of more than 50, tons needed by the Afghan population at that time.

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In March , Coalition Forces extensively used the argument that Iraq required humanitarian aid to seize and secure ports.